Angelas Ashes Manhood essays

Angela's Ashes Manhood essays In the memoir, Angelas Ashes by Frank McCourt, there are many different ways that he learns how to be a man. Many people in his life influenced him how to be a man, emotionally, spiritually and physically. Some of the ways that they influenced him was good, and others werent so good but it helped shape him into the man he is today. With his loving mom and dad, his Catholic religion, and his friends, he stepped into manhood with dignity and grace. When Frank was growing up, he saw his parents struggle with poverty. Malachy was an alcoholic and Frank saw him drinking away all their survival money. He watched with his innocent eyes of a child when his mom was begged for food, money, and clothing because they were so poor. His mother always wanted him to succeed and put him first before herself because she loved him so much. An example is when he gets the door slammed in his face by the church and she tells him you are never to let anybody slam the door in your face again, do you hear me?(McCourt, pg 290) Angela wanted her son to have the best of the best even though it was more then she could give him so she let him go to America. It must have hurt her greatly watching her eldest son leave her but she knew it was for the best because he would have had a better future there then if he had stayed in Ireland. The Catholic Church influenced Frank because his parents were both very religious and being a Catholic, he had very strict rules to follow or hell end up in hell. When he did something bad, he had to go to Confession and he didnt really like going. It prevented him from doing a lot of sinful actions that he would have done if he didnt know that he would burn in hell whenever he did something bad. Im worn out from being the worst sinner in Limerick. I want to get rid of this sin and have rashers and eggs and no guilt, no torment . . . The priests tell us all the time that Go...

French Absolutism essays

French Absolutism essays In 17th century France, each ruler had very different tactics for gaining and maintaining power. Regardless to the extent of power, each ruler used some absolutist methods in his reign. Although his predecessors are responsible for their own forms of absolutism through politics and war, economics, and religion, Louis XIV was most responsible for the development of the French absolutist state. For many rulers, the situation in which they start already has problems. In 1589, Henry IV inherited the crown and with that, civil wars. The state of France was very weak at the time: terrible harvests and near starvation, great depopulation, and poor commercial activity. At the time of his crowning, nobles, officials, merchants and peasants wanted peace, order, and stability. Henry provided this as a unique ruler who actually cared about his people, which proved important to absolutism because of the trust the people had in their ruler. Henry appointed the devout Protestant Maximilien de Bethune, duke of Sully, as his chief minister. With the effective actions of Sully, public order in France was restored in only twelve years. Besides a small successful war with Savoy in 1601, Henry maintained peace. After the death of Henry IV in 1610, the queen-regent Marie de' Medici headed the government for the child-king Louis XIII and appointed Cardinal Richelieu to the council of m inisters. Richelieu, who became first minister of the crown in 1628, sought the total subordination of all groups and institutions to the French monarchy. This policy was a major factor in absolutism because it gave total power with no opposition to the monarchy. Richelieu prevented the greatest competitor, the nobility, from gaining too much power by reshuffling the royal council. He also leveled castles, which were symbols of feudal independence, and stopped aristocratic conspiracies with executions. In 1634, Richelieu broke France into thirty-two gn...

Introduce word flying fish from Pacific Northwest and Alaska Essay

Introduce word flying fish from Pacific Northwest and Alaska - Essay Example The Gulf of Alaska has continuously grown warmer and this could be as a result of some unusual species of fish within this region. The changes in water temperature have resulted in a reduction in the growth of phytoplankton, which is a main source of nutrients for fish. Both predator and prey are forced to travel long distances in search for food. The vagaries of global weather result in some species falling victims, while others prosper under the changing environmental conditions (Mecklenburg, Mecklenburg, and Thorsteinson 537). Sites of fish jumping from water on the itineraries through these places are relatively common. While some of the fish are on transit to different locations looking for food, others commonly leap out of the water in order to feed on terrestrial insects flying above. Whether a leap or a jump by the fish, they always appear to be flying when one sees them during a cruise. The reasons behind this observation might be unknown, but the element of flying fish remains a reality in the North West pacific and

Business in Context LOLO Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Business in Context LOLO - Essay Example In the future also, this media is expected to play a vital role in its operation. The present business tactic adopted by them is the business to business model. E-business in Qatar Airways has improved gradually and has enhanced their marketing strategies, the marketing mix and also the investment opportunities. The suppliers’ power can also be further improved using the E-business. Besides, it will also help them to evolve better strategies to counter the threat from competitors as well as new entrants in the field. Oracle is the business suite adopted by Qatar Airways to improve its business. During the early years, business operations in Qatar Airways were done manually and there was no role for internet in its business. They have considered E-business as a very risky venture that was difficult and thus avoided its use in business. However, in the recent years they have changed their policy and adopted E-business strategies. Oracle business suite is the platform Qatar Airways adopted as a part of its expansion programme. Supplier power: Presently the supplier power is enhanced in Qatar Airways by the use of internet. In the future Internet will also make it possible for them to produces new and alternative suppliers using search engine technology. â€Å"The internet is also producing new and alternative suppliers of search engine technology.† (Doganis 2001, p.177). Threat of new entrants: Using the internet applications in its business Qatar Airways can through the web itself understand the business of its competitors and analyze which of the market players are likely to pos a threat to their operations. They have been doing this research in detecting their competitors. This internet application is of high utility both in the present and the future days to Qatar Airways. New entrants can be identified through the advertising. Internet has enhanced the advertising capabilities of Qatar Airways and,

Mass Media Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Mass Media - Assignment Example (Marx, 1971). Conflict perspective of social change works as a social institution because both classes do struggle, lead class struggle to maintain their power and lowest classes struggle for gaining the income and power but the result is a clash. The outcome of the clash between opposing classes is not a compromise. On the contrary it is a birth of new conflict, one new born of struggle. In this manner, both societies and individuals change. On the contrary functionalist theory is basically based on homeostatic system, that is, assemblage of interrelated elements of society to make an equilibrium state like norms, customs, and traditions. Industries, educational departments, government, family are also the basic elements of society which are interrelated or interdependent. Like government provide education for the children and parents of the children give taxes in return (Wallerstein, 1974). It is the role of the society to fulfill six basic needs that are member replacement, member socialization, production of goods and services, preservation of internal order, provision and maintenance of sense of purpose and protection from external attacks. These needs are in a state of equilibrium with one another and when one changes than other one accommodates. Functionalist perspective also works as social institution because they interlinked the needs of the society. Like the family depends upon the school for the mental growth of their children so that in the future they will get good jobs (cliffsnotes.com, 2012). Interactionism perspective also work as a social institution because through which individual knows how to interact with their teachers, friends, elders and young ones. Through which individual... This essay makes a conclusion that the sociological theories have drastically changed the views of the society like through conflict perspective people knows they have to struggle and work hard for the society as well as for himself. Views of people towards society have become positively changed. Like the small child knows the meaning of competition, he knows he have to compete with other students for getting good marks. Mass media have greater impact on the views of the people like every banker knows he has to open more accounts as compared to other banker. Conflict perspective arises the competition spirit and struggle spirit that is so good for every society. This report approves that have discussed the impacts of the sociological theories that are the impacts of conflict theory is the enhancement of competition between two groups, like in two classes, between students, between two political groups. In this manner whole society has become socially changed. Functionalist perspective also has very positive impacts like through this perspective people could know that every segment of the society is necessary for each other for creating the balance in the society; in this manner society has become positively changed. Like without the religion the kid could be grown socially stable. He should have some religion as well as he also has his proper family for his mental growth. Interactionism perspective also has positive impacts on the society like after this theory people now know interaction is the compulsory element for enhancement of society.

The Power of Film as Propaganda

The Power of Film as Propaganda The power of film as propaganda reality or myth? Throughout history various persons and administrations in power have attempted to win the hearts and supports of their constituents, often through reframing or reinterpreting historical events in a light favourable to them. This was certainly the case in the Russian Revolution of1917. The Bolsheviks and Lenin, their leader, sought to use film to recast events of the revolution in such a way as to rally and unify the Russian peasantry. Filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein was one of those recruited for the task, and while many government-sponsored films of the time have disappeared into the massive pile of poor quality filmmaking, two of his works in particular, Battleship Potemkin and October, were powerful in framing the Russian Revolution in the eyes of the world and his own people. These works demonstrate the power of film, even those recognised as containing elements of propaganda. Hostility and outbreaks had been building prior to the1917 Revolution, with general dissatisfaction for the Tsarist regime. One such event, a naval uprising in Odessa, was chosen by Eisenstein to show the liberation needed by the working class under the csars, which he considered had been subsequently provided by the Bolsheviks. Historically, the event was a mutiny of the seamen against the officers, and had been a major event in the earlier Revolution of 1905. Commissioned by the Soviet Central Committee to create a film commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the 1905 Revolution, Eisenstein originally planned a sweeping series of eight films, forming a panoramic view of 1905 events. However, when confronted with the communist definition of a workable budget, he quickly reduced the number to one. The film included significant license with the actual historical events of the incident, as Eisenstein and his government backers both made changes to portray the situation in a way supportive of the then-current Bolshevik regime. For example, whilst in reality the sailors were captured and incarcerated, Eisenstein ends the movie with the sailors in a rallying cry of class solidarity, rather than being herded off to prison. Eisenstein also used a variety of cinematic devices to reinforce his theme, regardless of historical accuracy. He staged the slaughter of civilians by the Cossacks on a series of steps in Odessa, undercutting close-ups of guns and faces with scenes of fleeing civilians and attacking soldiers to depict the slaughter of the populace by the czars troops. Overseas the film was a rousing success. European and American viewers and critics alike were impressed with the realism of the film and its filmmaking firsts. Eisenstein was the first to use editing to juxtapose apparently unrelated images, to create rapid and dynamic shifts in rhythm, and to compress and expand physical action rather than function simply as a storytelling device. The newsreel-like style of the film was another innovation praised by foreign critics. Americas National Board of Review reported at the time the faithful reproduction of this historical event by adhering as much as possible to a literal transcription and reproduction of officially documented facts Nothing approaching the reality of these scenes has ever occurred in cinematicsbefore. Interestingly, most American audiences regarded Potemkin as a celebration of freedom and liberation, rather than a support of a particular political agenda(Browne 182). Initial critics, with the exception of Gerstein who briefly mentions the propagandistic nature of the final scene, also viewed the film as historically accurate. Given only the partial and fragmentary information about the Soviet Union, the American agencies of interpretation the journalists and the critics sought to sketch a picture of something very new and unknown and used the figure of Eisenstein and the realism of his film to do so. However, by the late 1920s, critics were reconsidering the propaganda elements in Soviet films. For example, in his profile on Eisenstein in 1928, Alfred Barr openly explained the Russian governments involvement in the Potemkin and filmmaking in general, and the propagandistic elements of the movie. Intellects on both sides of the Atlantic appeared to have been quite taken with the reality of the movie, enough to overlook such elements of propaganda, and praise the Soviet filmmaker for his reality, a stark contrast to the to the fictionality and to t he vulgar artifice of the Hollywood image so despised by many of the intellectual elite. The film was not so well received in Russia. While by the 1930s, the Civil War became something of a focus for the revolutionary myth in Soviet cinema just the way the West was won fulfilled a similar function in Hollywood, at the time of its release Soviet audiences preferred lighter and more conventional faire. The problem was that, as long as Soviet audiences had a choice, they preferred the films that were popular elsewhere in Europe, and were happy with a diet of Hollywood hits or Soviet imitations. In addition, Potemkin featured no central hero with whom audiences could identify; the main character of the movie is best described as the collective masses. While Eisensteins lack of a central character fascinated Western audiences, it dehumanised Soviets, who were uninterested in the Cine-Eyes more perfect visions of reality. Potemkin had to be taken off after only two weeks, to be replaced with are turn of Robin Hood starring Douglas Fairbanks, the film featured before its releas e. While the power of Potemkin as propaganda was far more convincing, at least initially, abroad, Eisensteins next great work, October, enjoyed tremendous success at home and was valuable as a way of reframing the October events for decades. Scholar recognise the inaccuracies and license of the film. Figes, for example, contends October is Eisensteins brilliant but largely fictional propaganda film. Rosenstone also acknowledges both the initial impact and lasting influence of the film.  October  has become and remains one of the best known and most enduring accounts of October so well known that it seems no exaggeration to suggest that more people have probably learned about the Bolshevik Revolution from the film than from any other single source. As October had a much stronger impact on the Russian public, both as a movie and as propaganda, it is important to consider the situation in Russia at the time and how it influenced the films creation and support. The Russian peasantry, accounting for eighty percent of the population, was largely hostile and overwhelmingly illiterate speaking more than a hundred different languages. In addition, peasants as a group were largely politically ignorant, and needed, it was felt by government leaders, to be properly informed. Peasants were inclined to believe naively in every printed word, and therefore open to persuasion from a variety of sources. Lack of vocabulary amongst the group and misunderstandings with speakers sent by the Bolshevik regime to educate them further compounded the communication problem. Furthermore, the peasants had not supported the Bolsheviks coming into power. Immediately after the overthrow in October, in November 1917, the Bolsheviks held an election as they had promised. Unfortunately for them, they were not the most supported party, although no group received a majority vote. The Bolsheviks lost the November 1917 election to the Socialist Revolutionaries, who received forty-four percent of the vote to the Bolsheviks twenty-seven percent. Although they lost, the Bolsheviks nonetheless seized and consolidated power. This left the government as one in need of persuasive means to address its constituents. Not having been elected by the people, it depended largely on the power of the word to establish its authority. The Civil War that occurred following the Revolution necessitated urgent, cheap and effective measures to win over the hearts and minds of the people in whose name the Bolsheviks claimed to govern. In response, Lenin realised the importance of the dyna mic visual propaganda that cinema could offer and set the government on a course of creating propaganda films. Films would serve to not only entertain, but to allow the Bolsheviks to construct their particular utopia out of the ruins of Tsarist Russia. However, By the 1930s, the Party functionaries recognized that the films were not useful propaganda instruments as long as they could not attract a mass audience. Russians clearly preferred Hollywood-type films, and had similar response to government-produced propaganda films as they had to Potemkin, although such works had little of its quality or creativity. Government leaders recognised that their greatest artists, who made experimental, innovative films, could not communicate with the simple people who wanted to be entertained. They developed a new slogan for art in the Soviet Republics, loosely translated as movies for the masses. Experimentation was denounced as formalism, as something alien to Soviet art, and now each film had to be immediately comprehensible even to the least educated. Many artists and writers immediately following the 1917 Revolution also recognised the need to enlighten the peasantry, and the potential for creative media to communicate new life options to them, and initially joined in government efforts. Filmmakers such as Eisenstein and Kozintsev, for example, were determined in their different ways to use their new art form to construct a new Sovietman. However, with the increasing and ever more intrusive censorship, in combination with limitations on creativity and severe punishments for violations of government guidelines, many film producers simply stopped making movies. Whilst the cinema became increasingly popular, movie selection decreased. By the 1930s, foreign films had been banned; Soviet films also decreased. Whilst in the 1920s over one hundred movies were made annually, but this number had dropped to less than forty by the 1930s. Content was for the most part centred on the benefits of the Bolshevik regime and the evils of the Tsarist one. Class consciousness could usually be reduced to an understanding that there were enemies everywhere, that the Soviet was of life was superior, that it was the duty of decent people to participate in the building of socialism, that the primary allegiance one owes is to Soviet society and not to the family. As Kenez wryly notes, if one judged the world entirely on the basis of Soviet films, one might have imagined that the task of Soviet border guards was to keep out all those who hoped to enter. The Bolshevik government needed to rally illiterate masses to its support, whilst the Soviet Republic spanned a gigantic geographical and cultural plethora, and a number of events leading up to the current regime seizing power were morally questionable, at best. The question is whether propaganda films really exerted the influence over the public that many have long held unquestionably that they do. The Soviets certainly committed a surprising amount of scarce resources, although not as much as the filmmakers would have liked, to this novel form of propaganda, recognising the apparent potential of the medium of cinema for powerful, mass, political propaganda. Reeves contends that in many countries, including the UK and Soviet Republic, the power of film propaganda was simply assumed. Through the 1950s,politicians and commentators alike seem to have become only more convinced that the mass media in general, cinema in particular, provided a weapon uniquely capable of effectively moulding the ideology of the masses. Reeves further contends that empirical studies in Britain between the First and Second World Wars are primarily supportive of the power of film propaganda and the media to influence the general populace. Almost without exception int er-war studies stressed their enormous power, using metaphors like hypodermic needle or magic bullet to characterise that power in contrast to the weakness of the mass of people who, whether they liked it or not, received the messages which the media generated. While there have been more recent challenges to these findings, Eisensteins October is widely held to have had a profound impact both on the Russian people and foreigners in shaping their perception and understanding of the Bolsheviks rise to power. Although October was made before the changes to filmmaking of the 1930s, it very much followed the type of movie propaganda scheme the government would later require. The film was commissioned by the Soviet agency in charge of the production and distribution of films, Sovkino, as part of the tenth anniversary celebration of the 1917events. Ever the visionary, Eisenstein first planned to create a heroic epic, spanning from the February 1917 overthrow of the Czar to the end of the Civil War in 1921.Pressures of time (both on the screen and in the production process) led to aversion that covered a smaller slice of the past: from February through October1917. The story the movie tells, and the way it tells that story are surely part of along tradition of explaining why and how the Bolsheviks took power. One might even argue that October had a significant role in creating that tradition. The film neither accurately represents what happened nor entirely fictionalises events, instead combining the two to create a picture in the minds of many of the Revolution. The film opens with the downfall of the Russian Czar in February of 1917.While it overdoes the evilness of the Tsarist regime a bit from an historical standpoint, this presents a strong contrast for the following events. Of particular note is the handling of the July Days protests in July of 1917.The Bolsheviks had assembled over fifty thousand supporters, had surrounded the Tauride Palace, and had taken hostage a representative of the Provisional Government during the protest. Bolshevik leaders truly did decide not to overthrown the government during this time, calming the crowd and a voiding bloodshed. Eisenstein is considered by many scholars to be relatively accurate in his rendition of the July events, although he creates from a decidedly Bolshevik point of view. Eisenstein shows us the masses of marching protesters, the bloodshed on the Nevsky Prospekt, the anger of the middle classes against the lower orders, the Bolshevik speakers calming the soldiers, insisting it is not time to seize power. Similarly, Rosenstone states that historians have little dissent over much of the things that led up to the October events, or how Eisenstein handled them. The February Revolution, he contends, was truly popular and necessary, while the Provisional Government was inept, inefficient, stupid or criminal in its attempt to continue the war. Eisensteins portrayal of Kerenskys handling of the entire situation is alsosupported by historians. Figes states that during the event, Kerensky began to strut around with comic self-importance, puffing up his puny chest and striking the pose of a Bonaparte.Rosenstone notes Eisenstein shows Kerensky as a would-be Bonaparte, by cutting from a close-up of him directly to a statue of Napoleon, and he is hardly the only historian to suggest the prime minister saw himself in that kind of heroic role. Figes and Rosenstone both note that Eisenstein used similar techniques to highlight the ineptitude of General Kornilov. Eisenstein suggests that the attempt to overthrow the Provisional Government was really based on a misunderstanding, exacerbated by Kornliov, who also saw himself as a Bonaparte figure and did not realise that most of those supporting him did so with the hope to use him in the governments overthrow .Eisenstein presents Kornilov as yet another potential Napoleon by cutting from his image to that of the same statue previously linked to Kerensky. The film shows how the generals march on Petrograd is undermined by Bolshevik agitators, who are able to convince the Cossacks of his Savage Division that the Soviet programme of Peace, Land, Bread is not meant just for the worker sof Petrograd but for everyone, including them. It is the ending of the movie, as he did in Potemkin, where Eisenstein takes the greatest license. The movie climaxes with the storming of the Winter Palace, an event that did not actually occur. Indeed the Palace was largely unoccupied by the time of the October events, and any Bolsheviks attacking it would have only had to rebuff a few women and elderly men left to tend to maintenance. While Kerenskys cabinet was inside, they were cut off from the outside and posed no threat. The Palace was taken peacefully, with cabinet members arrested. However, Eisenstein realised the film must have a strong climatic event, and as Lenin had previously used the Palace as an emblem of the Revolution conquering old regimes in the name of the masses, he used a dramatic battle to climax his historical rendition. Many Russian critics at the time were appalled that he had even considered dramatising or reframing such an important event in their history. Additional complaints included Eisensteins omission of the collapse at the front and the growth of the workers movement were also directed at the film.Rosenstone would counter that a filmmaker can never forget the demands of the medium no matter how much you are committed to putting the past on the screen, and no matter how accurate you wish that past to be, the one thing you can never do is to mirror a moment all those moments that have vanished. Even in contemporary viewing of October, however, Eisensteins theme is repeatedly that it was the stupidity and oppression of the Provisional Government, not the political desires of the Bolsheviks, that led to the October 1917 Revolution. It was the desires and action of the masses, not Lenin or a few organising leaders, that led to the governments overthrow. As propaganda, the film has long served to reinforce the validity of the Bolsheviks seizure of power, and therefore to instigate major changes on the Soviet populace. It remains the way many, both in Russia and in Western countries, view the events of 1917, an as such speaks to the effective and lasting power of film as a propaganda device. History can be recast, reinterpreted, expressed in film, and many will believe what they see .Eisensteins work reinforces both independent research and policies ofgovernments worldwide that support film propaganda as a convincing tool. BIBLIOGRAPHY Battleship Potemkin. Dirs. Sergei M. Eisenstein and GrigoriAleksandrov. White Star, 1925. Behind the screen. TheTimes (UK) 18 September 2004: Features, Films 29. Balio, Tino. Eisenstein. 21 May 2005.http://members.tripod.com/~afronord/eisen.html Browne, Nick. Eisenstein inAmerica: The First Phase. Emergences 12.2 (2002): 181-197. Encyclopedia:Propaganda Film.January 2005. 21 May 2005.. Figes, Orlando. The Russian Revolutionand Its Language in the Village. The Russian Review 56 (July 1997):323-345. Figes, Orlando. A Peoples Tragedy:The Russian Revolution 1891-1924. New York: Penguin Books. 1998. Forging the Shipof State: The Bolsheviks in Power. 21 May 2005.. Kenez, Peter. Jewish Themes in StalinistFilms. Journal of Popular Culture 31.2 Spring 1998: 159-169. October. Dirs. Sergei M. Eisenstein and Grigori Aleksandrov. WhiteStar, 1927. Reeves, Nicholas.The Power of Film Proaganda Myth or Reality? Historical Journal of Film,Radio Television 13.2 (1993). . Rosenstone, RobertA. October as History. Rethinking History 5:2 (2001): 255-274. Taylor, Richard.Russian and Soviet Cinema: Continuity and Change, Imperial War Museum,London, 17-19 July 1990. Historical Journal of Film, Radio Television 11.1 (1991). . Taylor, Richard.Soviet Cinema: The Path to Stalin. History Today July 1990: 43-48. The OctoberRevolution of 1917.21 May 2005. . Yangirov, Rashitand Taylor, Richard. Soviet Cinema in the Twenties: National Alternatives.Historical Journal of Film, Radio Television 11.2 (1991)..

Creon - The Tragic Hero in Sophocles Antigone :: Antigone essays

Creon -  The Tragic Hero in Antigone There is still a great debate on who is, in fact, the tragic hero in Sophocles’ Antigone. Many hold that it must be Antigone, herself; after all, the play does bear her name. But in actuality, Creon, not Antigone, is the tragic hero. In order to determine whether or not Creon is the tragic hero, one will first have to answer the question, â€Å"What is a tragic hero?† Aristotle, when discussing the nature of such a hero in his theory of drama, states that such a hero is neither purely innocent nor purely evil. This person is usually born high in the ranks of society and must also possess a tragic flaw, which originates from within and usually manifests itself through poor judgment and/or extreme arrogance. The tragic flaw also dooms the character to a ruinous end. Creon, as king of Thebes, is at the top of the social ladder. He thus already meets one of Aristotle’s chief criteria. Yet, not only is he king, he is also human and possesses frailties which qualify him to make serious mistakes and he possesses talents which allow him also to excel. Hence, Creon is neither overly good nor bad. It is also written that the tragic hero’s actions may determine the fates of one or more characters within the tragedy. Appropriately, Creon’s station as king place shim in a position of great power, influence and responsibility. The extent of this power was quite evident when he sentenced Antigone to death for disobeying his proclamation. Now we come to what, if anything, is the single most important component of being a tragic hero. Here we have the tragic flaw. Creon’s tragic flaw was his hubris or his pride and arrogance in the face of divine powers. His downfall began when he denied the basic divine right of burial to Polyneices and was cemented when he condemned Antigone for her opposition to his law. When one closely examines Antigone’s reasons for burying her brother, it becomes clear that she was simply demonstrating her love, honor, and loyalty to her family. Creon - The Tragic Hero in Sophocles' Antigone :: Antigone essays Creon -  The Tragic Hero in Antigone There is still a great debate on who is, in fact, the tragic hero in Sophocles’ Antigone. Many hold that it must be Antigone, herself; after all, the play does bear her name. But in actuality, Creon, not Antigone, is the tragic hero. In order to determine whether or not Creon is the tragic hero, one will first have to answer the question, â€Å"What is a tragic hero?† Aristotle, when discussing the nature of such a hero in his theory of drama, states that such a hero is neither purely innocent nor purely evil. This person is usually born high in the ranks of society and must also possess a tragic flaw, which originates from within and usually manifests itself through poor judgment and/or extreme arrogance. The tragic flaw also dooms the character to a ruinous end. Creon, as king of Thebes, is at the top of the social ladder. He thus already meets one of Aristotle’s chief criteria. Yet, not only is he king, he is also human and possesses frailties which qualify him to make serious mistakes and he possesses talents which allow him also to excel. Hence, Creon is neither overly good nor bad. It is also written that the tragic hero’s actions may determine the fates of one or more characters within the tragedy. Appropriately, Creon’s station as king place shim in a position of great power, influence and responsibility. The extent of this power was quite evident when he sentenced Antigone to death for disobeying his proclamation. Now we come to what, if anything, is the single most important component of being a tragic hero. Here we have the tragic flaw. Creon’s tragic flaw was his hubris or his pride and arrogance in the face of divine powers. His downfall began when he denied the basic divine right of burial to Polyneices and was cemented when he condemned Antigone for her opposition to his law. When one closely examines Antigone’s reasons for burying her brother, it becomes clear that she was simply demonstrating her love, honor, and loyalty to her family.